The growth of internet penetration had immense democratization effects in Kosovo, from a media perspective.

 

The traditional media were not easy to access for many people in Kosovo, among other reasons, due to weak newspaper circulation infrastructure and disputes over broadcasting frequency spectrum. Even the telephone communication charges sky-rocketed for a long period of after-war. And with largest estimated poverty rate in Balkans, preventing many from access to information and media anyhow, the arrival of internet was a breath of fresh air. Kosovo soon became and remains the highest internet penetration country in the region with around 75% penetration rate in 2014. Today, like in many other countries, internet media are the most important source of information.

 

Internet substantially altered media reporting, number of media and their power.

 

Traditional media saw benefits from the improved communication with audience. Not only were many more people engaging from various distances, but they were also contributing by providing information through letters and comments. The choices of editors and news preoccupations were enriched. The communication helped further understand news packaging because reporters could promptly see what headlines, stories and structures received better feedback. And media also saw their technical costs reduced.

 

A lot of Government information became public, allowing media and civil society organizations to follow and control the public money and its abuse more effectively. The leaked information leaked more (such as EULEX materials and information regarding misuse from Government officials). It is a country exhausted from corruption, but it would have been worse without the new media landscape.

 

Internet challenged the existing semi-monopoly on broadcasting by opening the path for cable television and making television more competitive. And one didn’t have to be a rich businessman - Kosovo had an average six daily newspapers in the first after-war decade - to establish a media. Media became cheaper. As a result, the plurality of the voices emerging in the public scene substantially undermined manipulating, controlling and suppressing powers.

 

Plurality emerged as one of the essential benefits to the whole public sphere.

 

The power of media also grew because now they had better skills and unprecedented audience numbers since information was free. All these achievements - richer media content, strengthened technique, diverse voices and big numbers - are undoubtedly indicators of democratization. And in my opinion the gains of this democratization compared to the losses are a bargain worth it (even if this was a choice and not a transformation out of media hands).

 

For there are losses. The increased defamation, lower transparency of ownership and income compared to some mainstream media, and even the speed of information in itself are all major difficulties. The increasing reliance on marketing has indirect consequences as well; one needs only follow the major media and their coverage of certain recently empowered leaders - such as the new president of the Parliament - to understand what this means, that is, powerful leaders will get good publicity and weak criticism. But still the era of all-powerful politicians, leaders and businessmen has gone. The emergence of quality media such as Kosovo 2.0, Gazetafjala.com, Sbunker.net, and Insajderi.com - the last three are direct internet platforms and were established in 2015 and 2016 - is a proof of the strength of the democratization of the media landscape. The Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) has also run an investigative journalism award during the past two years where up to 50% of all applications were stories published by online media. Having ambitious new media created at such a frequency and hundreds of investigative journalism stories published every year is positive and encouraging for conditions of freedom of speech and general freedom in Kosovo.

 

However, there are external and internal media developments which can improve democracy in media and in Kosovo in general. One of them is the further improvement of handling ethical complaints and cases within media and self-regulatory bodies parallel to the promotion of high quality journalism practices. This makes the members of public have a stronger feeling of security and is an incentive to ambitious reporting.

 

The international donors could also help, by simplifying the granting procedures and by deconcentrating the benefits. In place of grant application expertise, the ever smaller media should be supported to focus on niche reporting.

 

Most importantly, Kosovo media can especially support themselves by setting standards in business and reporting. Ownership, editorial desks, story authorship, corrections and annual finances should become public where they are not. And crucially the media must work more to make themselves attractive to journalists by respecting their work, talent and opinion. It is essential that while all expect from the media to watchdog everybody else, the media begin setting a good standard from their offices.