The ruling political elites tolerate only owners who are willing to support their politics unconditionally.

Selective implementation and adoption of laws that narrow space for media freedom, ruling political parties buying the obedience of newsrooms through public advertisements and other business favors, non-transparent ownership and clientelistic relations of media with centers of political and economic power, severe public attacks and discreditation of critical journalists and media, as well as the political and financial dependency of PSB, are the key issues that hinder media integrity in Macedonia.

In a market that is too small for such a large number of media, there is no serious media operation that can survive unless supported by a behind-the-scenes, more lucrative business of the owner. The new legislation passed towards the end of 2013 (and amended shortly after, in January 2014) requires from the owners of print media to disclose their media stakes. However, many media outlets, especially those with good relations with the ruling parties, have formal owners, and “real” owners behind the scene. The ruling political elites tolerate only owners who are willing to support their politics unconditionally. This type of relationship precludes any possibility of critical journalism.

The largest advertiser in 2012 was the Government. Owing to this hijacking of funds, most of the media are never critical of the state bodies’ operation, except in cases when it suits the interests of certain political parties or a part of the political elite. Since the state has no media policy or clearly defined public interest in the media sphere, the subsidizing of individual media and media content is based on political criteria. Political parties have their own “confidential” agencies which move around with them and act as an intermediary between them and the media.

The managing boards of PSB are not independent from ruling politics. In Macedonia, every government up to the present day had its own people in the leading position within the PSB. The share of advertising revenues in the total income of public services is very low, and this was for years the main lever of control and perpetuation of dependence relationships and culture. The license fee collection method has been enhanced during the past few years, obviously thanks to a political decision that a more efficient system is needed.

To be a journalist in Macedonia today means to be socially degraded, professionally reduced to the “microphone holder”, and economically reduced to a precarious worker without rights, whose salary is often lower than the national average and sometimes delayed by several months. Owners of commercial media hinder or prohibit engagement in trade union organizations. Editors are mainly not the first or the best among the equals (journalists), but the proxies of media owners who qualified for editorial jobs through their servility and lack of ethical reservations. Trade union activists are exposed to pressure; in Macedonia, the president of the national trade union was terminated her work contract. Some positive changes could be detected in a small, but very professional and highly motivated group of investigative journalists, although the disappointment, apathy and conformism are widespread sentiments. What is certainly worthy of emphasizing is the authentic and courageous work of the Association of Journalists (AJM) and of the Independent Union (SSNM). Also, the activities undertaken jointly by these organizations and the Macedonian Institute for Media (for introducing self-regulation, debates on the draft media laws etc.) fuelled a very critical public debate about the main issues of concern within media policy.

The complete study on media integrity in Macedonia can be found here.