The fundamental thesis of our analysis is that media which do not serve the interests of the public are – corrupt. 

 

There are obstructing patterns appearing across media systems in the countries of South East Europe that prevent media from serving the public interest. These patterns constitute a system of corrupt relationships that has pervaded the media sphere infecting all of its sections, from media policy to journalism as a profession.

 

The fundamental thesis of our analysis is that media which do not serve the interests of the public are – corrupt. In saying so, we do not have in mind any specific media outlet or a specific journalistic practice but rather the media systems within which these media operate. Democracy rests on freedom of expression, freedom of speech and media freedom. Corrupt media spell the death for democracy. They are a deeply undemocratic institution that transforms the state into a private company.

 

Fight against corruption in the media, including the exposure of non-transparent ownership relations and funding methods and a critique of the fall of journalism as a practice of public control over the operation of governmental institutions, is simultaneously a fight for democracy. The purpose of our analysis is therefore not solely to identify negative practices in media operation in the countries of South East Europe but also to establish new forms of media operation in which the struggle for media integrity would be one of the key political demands. 

 

An efficient media policy is one that establishes a dialogue between the media (journalists) and the public and creates an environment for media operation that would enable the media to cast off the yoke of dependence on private centres of power and become dependent on the public. To attain this goal it is necessary to challenge the existing management, funding and ownership models in the media sector. 

 

The issues we are raising are not problem only of our region, it is broader, and global. We can safely argue that, at the moment, there does not exist an effective mechanism for the protection of citizens' right to receive quality and credible information, neither on the national nor on the supra-national (EU) level.

With the concept of media integrity introduced in our research we denote public service values in media and journalism. In the regional overview we have provided detailed definition of media integrity and elaborated our research methodology, including inventory of 63 risks for media integrity.

 

The media integrity research conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia by the regional partnership of civil society organisations “South East European Media Observatory” between July 2013 and February 2014 revealed that the current media situation in the countries analyzed is not solely a result of lacking or non-existent media policy, or lacking legal framework within which the media operate. It is rather a consequence of the political and economic system which literally forces media to establish “incestuous relations” with various centres of power. In this context, it is necessary to devote attention to the manner in which political elites in these countries created circumstances that enable a particular type of control over the media system. 

 

The absence of the market, a strong dependence on the financial flows involving the state, vague regulation on unlawful concentration, hidden ownership and intransparent trading in media shares led to a growing media’s dependence on the state, or rather political parties and their agendas, in all the countries covered by our analysis.

Public service broadcasters remain the part of the media system that is most exposed to risks when it comes to particular political interests and prevention of independent operation in the service of society as a whole. The PSB management and funding system are arbitrarily determined and changed by political players, via legislation or direct measures, which are practically never aimed at ensuring the independence or stable operation of PSBs.

 

The question of whether journalists are victims or part of the structures and relations that prevent media from fulfilling their democratic role yielded an answer that justifies a conclusion that journalists, in addition to the public and society as a whole, have been the biggest losers in the two-decades long process. Professional and economic degradation, however, did not trigger an organized resistance on the part of journalists. Even today, in circumstances which they describe as “worse than ever,” journalists remain passive, polarized and fragmented.

The mainstream journalism has practically completely succumbed to instrumentalization for commercial purposes and political parallelism.

How should we proceed? Changes will not happen unless there is a clear need for them.

 

If journalists are to fulfil their fundamental mission – act as citizens’ representatives and guardians of freedom of speech – they must be ensured basic conditions to be able to perform their task freely. To strengthen their integrity, media should enhance their professional performance, the ability to reflect on their social mission, develop professional self-criticism and willingness to engage in a dialog with the public. Media policy that wants to pursue these basic goals should rest on an open dialogue with all players in the media sphere. Concrete recommendations for new media policies are given in individual country sections in the book. Changes should be achieved through long-term negotiations involving political and economic elites, media owners, media workers and the public. 

 

The complete regional overview  of the media integrity can be found on the link here.